'Life Boat Monument, St Anne's on Sea', Wyndham Series Postcard, 1902 |
One thing that continues to fascinate
me about William Birnie Rhind's Mexico Monument is the depiction of
an ordinary man as the focal point of a piece of civic sculpture. In
present times, with a now established interest in local history and 'history
from below', we are much more used to seeing working-class heritage and the
lives of ordinary people celebrated in sculpture.* For example, we have a
recently unveiled monument to Wigan miners or, closer to home, The Shrimper in Lowther Gardens in Lytham.
Miners' Monument (2021), Steve Winterburn, Wigan |
However, when the Mexico Monument
was unveiled in May 1886 it would have been highly unusual to see an ordinary
man, or for that matter, even an ordinary seaman or soldier, as the focal point
of a piece of statuary in Great Britain. One of the few examples might be
considered to be Rhind's memorial to the Black Watch, unveiled in 1887, which
presents the figure of an ordinary soldier, although one from the previous
century.
Whilst it was rare in statuary it
wasn't quite so unusual for working people to be the focus of other cultural
representations with Ford Madox Brown's painting Work being a
significant example. Something lesser known but equally interesting is James
Sharples engraving The Forge. This is particularly interesting as
Sharples himself was a blacksmith, so this is a representation of working
people by member of the working classes. This became quite celebrated in its
day (although it didn't help Sharples’s finances much!) and both this and Work are
referenced in Tim Barringer's book Men at Work.
Work (1852-1863), Ford Madox Brown, Wikimedia Commons |
The Forge (1859), James Sharples, Wikimedia Commons |
There was also a significant trend for
literary biography to celebrate working people with writers such as Samuel
Smiles celebrating the endeavours of 'noble workers' in texts such as Self
Help. Whilst Smiles praises the working people (usually men) there
is however, as Juliet Atkinson has noted, the sense that the he is setting up
idealized versions of these types. People who made a way in the world through
self-discipline and determination and might not, for example, belong to trades
unions or challenge the functioning of society which mitigated against the
material advancement of working people.
To a degree I think this is echoed in
the Mexico Monument which, although it rightly and eloquently
celebrates the bravery and heroism of lifeboatmen, and specifically the crew of
the Laura Janet, doesn’t address the relative poverty in which they were
living. At the time of the disaster a hard winter had made for difficult times
for fishermen in the Ribble estuary. The Board of Trade report which followed
the disaster noted that one of the crew, Bonney, had 'stinted himself'
for the sake of his family. That is, he was only eating sparingly to ensure
that his children and family could be fed properly. I would imagine that Bonney (I’m not
sure whether it was Thomas or James - both are named on the memorial) would
have accepted this as part of his life and have thought nothing unusual
about it, but it does speak of the harshness of the times for working people.
Similarly, The Great Lifeboat
Disaster of 1886, an updated version of which was published in 2001, notes
that in Southport ‘The families of the lifeboatmen were almost all in very poor
circumstances’ and that ‘Several of the men had not earned more than eight or
nine shillings as week for the last 18 months’ due to a scarcity of shrimps and
a reduction in income from pleasure sailing during the summer months. Frank
Kilroy has also noted ‘At St Annes the story was very much the same, many of
the families had already been living just above poverty’.
There is some acknowledgement of the
evident unfairness of this inequality at the time of the disaster and also at
the unveiling. The Lytham Times article of 25 May 1888 has
rather a curious passage which notes, in relation to the
lifeboatman, that ‘We do not endorse the sentiment that a working
man settles down to his task believing and content with the reflection that
when he is no longer able to work for his family they can only be admitted by
the Guardians to the County Union and so supported by the public, or worse
still go about door to door begging the very bread to enable them to live’. I
have never been quite sure how to take this but there could possibly be an
allusion to a report that at the time of the disaster a former coxswain of the
Lytham crew was in the Fylde Union workhouse (I have definitely seen this but
infuriatingly find the reference at the moment!).
In the light of their straitened
circumstances the payment which the lifeboat men received for going out (about
£1 at the time which would now be worth about £100) would be something of an
incentive. Indeed. Andrew Miller has noted in The Great Lifeboat
Disaster of 1888 that 'The main reason for the great
demand for a place in the [Southport] lifeboat was undoubtedly poverty'. This
is not much mentioned in reports about the disaster or the unveiling other when
a Lieutenant Tipping of the RNLI noted the 'small sum’ which was allotted to
the men. He rightly noted that this 'could never be any compensation for the
loss of their lives or their health' but, whilst it was probably a small sum to
him and many others, it would have made a considerable material difference to
the lifeboatmen themselves and their families.
I think that some people feel chary of
mentioning these payments as they might be seen as undermining the
heroism of the men, but it is part of the story and one that we should
acknowledged. Personally, I don’t think it negates the sheer physical courage
of their deeds and, in risking their lives in the hope of earning some extra money
to adequately support their families, their bravery becomes less of an abstract
ideal and can be seen in a more human setting.
*https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People%27s_history
Sources
‘The Shrimper | Art UK’ <https://artuk.org/discover/artworks/the-shrimper-267706> [accessed 6
Atkinson, Juliette, Victorian Biography Reconsidered: A Study of Nineteenth-Century ‘Hidden’ Lives, Illustrated edition (Oxford ; New York: OUP Oxford, 2010)
Kilroy,
Frank, The Wreck of the ‘Mexico’, Rev. ed.]. (Lytham: R.N.L.I.,
Lytham St. Annes Branch, 2012)
Miller,
J. Allen, The Great Lifeboat Disaster of 1886, ed. by Andrew N.
Farthing (Southport: Sefton Council, Leisure Services Department, 2001).
Murray,
Digby and Chetwynd. Henry W, ‘The Life-Boat Disasters at Southport and
St. Anne’s : Official Report to the Board of Trade’ (Board of Trade), Lancashire
Archives, Frank Kilroy Collection, DDX 3123.
'The St. Anne's Lifeboat Disaster - Unveiling of the Monument to the Crew', Lytham Times, 25 May 1888.
Smiles,
Samuel, Self-Help with Illustrations of Conduct and Perseverance (London :
J. Murray, 1905) <http://archive.org/details/selfhelpwithillu00smiliala>
[accessed 6 May 2020].
Andrew Walmsley, January 2022
https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/history/about/people/andrew-walmsley
Hello! I am trying to find a listing of the names of those who perished in the lifeboat disaster. Can you help me find their names? (I am in the US, so I can't easily visit the monument.)
ReplyDeleteHi Diane. Apologies, I have only just seen this. You may have found this out by now, but if you go to https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:St_Annes_Lifeboat_Memorial.jpg, click onto he photo then click again to enlarge it the names will be legible. Best regards, Andrew
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